The
following is my response to the concern and interest of my colleagues overseas, in relation to the
recent events in Chile (October 18-present).
It
is comforting to know that we have this great network of colleagues, who
care and can give meaning to these experiences (although often I fail to find it myself). It is true that these situations highlight "a sense of
quickening urgency to heal, culturally and ecologically".[1] I would like to add to this mix, that society,
particularly our youth, have changed in ways sometimes incomprehensible. Thus,
the social crisis in Chile is far from the traditional conflict of class
struggle—this is something else. This is a crisis of our democracy, which is
expressed in a mix of anti-institutional reactions, social demands, and rights that
find no corresponding levels of responsibilities from those calling for them,
and unprecedented levels of destruction and violence.[2] Carlos Peña claims that we have a democracy in
which freedom is misunderstood, where teachers praise instead of guide and
those who lead imitate the young. A lack of interest in rules and norms are
confused with utmost freedom that results in “anarchy and anomie”.[3]
One of the many city areas where rampant looting and burning takes place. Photo by Anthony McInneny |
Groups
of young people—who can afford not going to work or study for weeks and are
engaged in confrontation with police, building barricades and burning
buildings—stop in cafes and bars (those still operating) for a break and
catching up with Instagram news on their iPhones. They are demanding social
changes, allegedly not for themselves, but for the future generations, mother,
grandparent, or an elusive “other”, and as a by-product terrorise everyone else
through their screaming, drumming, direct physical and graphic aggression conveyed
in the messages that clad street walls. They also demand a 'Constituent Assembly', the same that consolidated the perversion of democracy in countries such as Venezuela. Features of this behaviour were defined
by Habermas in the 1960s as student left fascism, describing it as “unconstrained
voluntarism, a triumphalism of the will, with neither ethical nor institutional
limitations; a contemptuous disregard for democratic institutions and
processes; and an adventurist willingness to engage in violence, precisely in
order to provoke crises inimical to liberal democracy.”[4]
One of the many posters and graffiti that cover the walls. This read something like, there is no other way but burn the police. Protestors throw Molotov cocktails to police. |
As
an example of another weird aspect of the protest, a deputy from one of the most
extreme left-wing parties, Pamela Jiles, calls herself a grandmother and cherishes her
“grandchildren” (youth on the streets) by social media, given them Japanese
anime names such as otaku or hokage, while inciting them to fight on
the streets.[5] In
an attempt to understand the phenomenon, which aesthetics is that of a carnival of destruction, a dystopia stirred by alcohol and drugs, some have defined the protestors as
zombies,[6] Manfred Svensson described it as a gnostic revolution.[7] What is clear is that we are not facing a conventional
“social explosion”, nor are these 'pacific' manifestations with clear objectives,[8] but terrorist attacks where the participation
of other countries is not discounted.[9]
Metro station and trains destroyed. Source: CIPER, https://ciperchile.cl/2019/10/24/dura-perdida-para-el-metro-no-tiene-seguros-para-estaciones-ni-trenes/ |
While
I am aware that I am painting a negative picture, I do not deny the need for a
better distribution of resources and wealth.[10] The progress between 2006 and 2017 (data from
UN shows best-performing reduction in the gap between poor and rich), while
improving the standard of living has not yet met the needs of the most
vulnerable. The demonstrations has attracted a lot of attention while the
social reforms are being delivered in the background by democratic institutions
and processes. However, these reforms require finances in an economy eroded by
strikes, destruction, closing businesses and as a consequence, a rising level
of unemployment. Yet, young people demonstrating on the streets, many young
professionals, do not accept the
evidence of improvements as sufficient to curb their “contemptuous
disregard for democratic institutions” (data from UN shows best
performing reduction in the gap between poor and rich).
In
sum, what concerns me is that to tackle the violent demonstrations we first
have to understand these groups of young people. I think that to say that it is
about education alone, would fail to consider other important factors, I would try
suggesting that purpose and meaning are also missing. In spite of the efforts
of national philosophers, economists and other brilliant minds, who I eagerly
read, I am nowhere close to comprehending the social construct and dynamics of
this movement, which, according to some is a phenomenon unfortunately not unique to Chile.
Beatriz Maturana Cossio
Beatriz Maturana Cossio
[1] Words of a colleague.
[2] "Así
quedó el metro de Chile tras los destrozos en la red más moderna de América
Latina", Infobae, (October 20,
2019), https://www.infobae.com/america/fotos/2019/10/20/asi-quedo-el-metro-de-chile-tras-los-destrozos-en-la-red-mas-moderna-de-america-latina/
[3]
Carlos Peña, 'Viejas Verdades' (2019), in El Mercurio (Santiago 2019). http://www.elmercurio.com/blogs/2019/12/01/74396/Viejas-verdades.aspx
[4] Berman, 'From
Left-Fascism to Campus Anti-Semitism: Radicalism as Reaction', Democratiya, 13 (2008).
[5]
See “La campaña de Pamela Jiles hacia los jóvenes para ser la líder de las
protestas”, El Libero, (November 29,
2019) https://ellibero.cl/actualidad/la-campana-de-pamela-jiles-hacia-los-jovenes-para-ser-la-lider-de-las-protestas/.
[6] John
Müller, ‘John Müller, periodista chileno: “Chile hoy es un país zombi”´, BBC, (December 2, 2019), https://www.elobservador.com.uy/nota/john-muller-periodista-chileno-chile-hoy-es-un-pais-zombi--201912285349
[7] Manfred
Svensson,"Columna de Manfred Svensson: Una revolución gnóstica", The Clinic (November 25, 2019). https://www.theclinic.cl/2019/11/25/columna-de-manfred-svensson-una-revolucion-gnostica/
[8]
Gonzalo Rojas,"Nos hemos engañado tanto", El Mercurio (November 20, 2019). www.elmercurio.com/blogs/2019/11/20/74118/Nos-hemos-enganado-tanto.aspx
[9] José
Rodríguez Elizondo," El preocupante diagnóstico de Rodríguez Elizondo
sobre el Chile actual ", La Pauta
(November 3, 2019). https://www.pauta.cl/nacional/el-preocupante-diagnostico-de-rodriguez-elizondo-sobre-el-chile-actual
[10] Edwards,
'Chile’s insurgency and the end of neoliberalism' (2019), in VOX CEPR Policy Portal (2019). https://voxeu.org/article/chile-s-insurgency-and-end-neoliberalism